If it looks like an ecofascist and quacks like an ecofascist…

Photo by Matt York

 

Last month on April 12, Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich filed a federal lawsuit against the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) for a resumption of border wall construction along the U.S.-Mexico border. The reason? The National Environmental Policy Act.

The National Environmental Policy Act is a landmark law meant to assure that executive Federal agencies assess the environmental impact of any federal activity or policy. Brnovich accused the Biden administration of not properly examining how halting wall construction would lead to a surge of illegal immigrants resulting in severe environmental impacts.

One can’t help but tilt their heads in confusion. Republicans demanding harsher immigration policy is nothing out of the ordinary but…worried about the environment? Who saw that coming?

One group that wouldn’t be surprised by Brnovich’s move are ecofascists. Brnovich’s approach to the border wall aligns him with key planks of ecofascism. He blames immigrant “others” for environmental degradation and the dwindling population of white Americans. Brnovich’s invocation of the National Environmental Policy Act is another way to attack the Biden administration and demand a militarized border that cracks down on immigration. This probably shouldn’t be too much of a surprise. As we already know, the Republican party will use any opportunity to attack Biden.

Using environmental concern to oppose immigration is not a new phenomenon. John Tanton and his network of anti-immigrant groups have long peddled this position and are behind much of the anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States. Tanton and his network draw on a longer history of ecofascism and nativism.

The belief that immigrants and non-white “others” are to blame for environmental degradation was a prominent concern for some proponents of environmental conservation in the United States during the early 20th century. Figures like Madison Grant, an influential conservationist in this era, went to great lengths to protect the American bison, the bald eagle, the pronghorn antelope, among many other species. Yet, he was also a white supremacist, eugenicist, and harsh campaigner against immigration.

Brnovich is tapping into this old nativist history of ecofascism to raise fears about immigration and environmental degradation. He describes open borders as a source of pollution and a stress on natural resources – while ignoring the fact that the richest people in the world are the ones most responsible for carbon emissions. And though he seems to be concerned about reducing greenhouse gas emissions (at least only in relation to attacking immigrants), he recently joined a coalition of 12 states in filing another lawsuit against the Biden Administration for Executive Order 13990  that aims to tackle the climate crisis. Brnovich has a big-time penchant for hypocrisy.

But more concerning than Brnovich’s hypocritical positions on his recent lawsuits against the Biden administration, the border wall, and climate change is the fact that a prominent member of the Republican party has managed to wedge in an environmental agenda in his attack against immigrants.

It is a strategy that seems to be gaining momentum on the political right. Even Fox News host Tucker Carlson recently raised concerns about the environmental consequences of Biden’s border policies. Republicans are dredging up environmentalism’s dark history of nativism to use in their political playbook against immigrants. It isn’t enough to simply wait and watch it unfold; environmentalists have to be ready to face these attacks head-on.

Environmentalists need to make it clear that the real threat to the border and the environment are not immigrants – as much as Carlson and Brnovich may say otherwise – but the border wall itself. The wall cuts through a federal wildlife refuge, the Bentsen-Rio Grande Valley State Park, the gravesites of the Carrizo Comecrudo tribe, and the National Butterfly Center. The border is home to incredibly vulnerable animal and plant species and further construction of the border wall will inevitably threaten their existence.

Brnovich has never cared about the environment; he has simply used it as another pretext to attack immigrants. And it’s time to start calling him, and others just like him, by what they really are – ecofascists.

Dear Oregon: It’s Time for a Green New Deal.

Climate strike at the Oregon State Capitol. Source: Sunrise Movement, brightest.io.

A string of victories for Oregon community organizations over the past few months has effectively blocked a fossil fuel project that would have been the single largest climate polluter in Oregon. 

The Jordan Cove Project—a natural gas shipping terminal and pipeline—was the target of over a decade of community organizing and the source of endless bureaucratic headaches. 

A coalition of environmental organizations, Indigenous activists, and rural landowners stand in steadfast opposition to the project. But much of the debate has centered on the tired standoff over jobs versus the environment.  

Blocking the Jordan Cove project is an overdue win for Oregon communities and climate activists, but we need bigger change. To transcend the false dichotomy of jobs versus the environment, and to meet the intersecting climate and social challenges facing Oregon communities, Oregon needs a Green New Deal. 

The Oregon Just Transition Alliance first proposed a Green New Deal for Oregon in 2019. Then it listened.  In 2020, the organization embarked on a listening tour to gather community feedback. Based on that feedback, it recently released a draft report and an updated set of Green New Deal pillars.

A Green New Deal would ensure a clean energy future for Oregon. Driving through the Dalles towards Pendleton, it is already possible to see the waves of wind turbines along the ridges of the Columbia River Gorge. To reach 100% renewable energy in 2050, we’ll need to build even more of those.

The proposal would also guide a just transition that creates jobs and advances workers’ rights across sectors. There are currently 55,000 workers employed in the clean energy industry in the state, with a fifth of those in rural communities. Investing in a renewable energy future would create tens of thousands more jobs, and save Oregonians money

Climate change is not just an energy or economic crisis, however. The Covid-19 pandemic has laid bare what we already knew: environmental inequalities are both the cause and consequence of racial and economic disparities. A Green New Deal is Oregon’s change to address environmental and racial injustices, from criminal justice to education and economic opportunities. 

At its heart, an Oregon Green New Deal imagines a better, collective future for Oregon communities. Passing the proposal would mean tackling the many challenges Oregon communities face, embracing the opportunity to address the interlocking challenges of climate and social problems through bold, transformative policy recommendations. 

I remember when it first hit me that climate change had arrived in Portland. It was the summer of 2017, the summer of the Eagle Creek fire. Smoke filled the Willamette Valley for days, turning the sunsets a dystopian orange as the flames burned through the forests of the Columbia Gorge. 

For me, a Green New Deal in Oregon means social and environmental resiliency in the face of increasingly frequent natural disasters. A plan this big only works if all Oregonians are all in. What does an Oregon Green New Deal mean for you? Join me in letting both Oregon Just Transition Alliance, and your state representatives, know.

The Last Place on Earth where Sumatran Orangutans, Rhinos, and Elephants Coexist

The alarming rate of deforestation occurring within the Leuser ecosystem might drive the Sumatran orangutan to extinction. It’d be the first of the four great ape species to go extinct.

Prayugo Utomo, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

 

The Leuser ecosystem (pronounced “low-sir”) is one of earth’s most ecologically rich ecosystems, houses over 105 mammal species, 352 bird species, and 95 reptile and amphibian species. It spans six-million acres across the northernmost tip in the provinces of Aceh and North Sumatra, Indonesia. Its lowland rainforests, alpine meadows, and peat swamps form Southeast Asia’s largest carbon sink. And it provides 400 hundred million Acehnese people with ecosystem services such as fresh water and disaster mitigation.

The rapid destruction of rainforest has destroyed homes of some of the world’s most endangered species. 85% of the critically endangered Sumatran orangutans live in the Leuser. 

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) recognized the Lesuer as “the world’s foremost irreplaceable protected areas”. 

But since 2011, The Leuser  has been listed under UNESCO’s “World Heritage in Danger” due to the ongoing destruction.

In addition to being protected as a World Heritage Site, it also has special legal status under the Aceh provincial government, which prohibits activities that threaten the forest, such as development and cultivation. 

Unfortunately, these protections have not kept the palm oil industry at bay. Weak governance and poor monitoring have allowed for oil palm growers to invade the protected areas — as of 2019 1.1 million acres of the Leuser had been deforested (over a million football fields).  

I first found out about the rapidly disappearing Leuser when I was a senior in high school in 2018. A series of images described the crisis: swaths of green forest engulfed in fire, an orangutan that laid limp in the arms of an Achenese local…. It’s 2021 and the imagery has not changed. 

The growing global demand for palm oil has been driving corporate interests to continue to deforest  this ancient Indonesian territory to turn its resources into profit — an all too familiar story. 

Palm oil can be found in most packaged foods, soaps, baked goods… just check the nutrition label. It might even be hiding under a different name. Palm oil’s ubiquity has to do with the fact that it’s the cheapest vegetable oil and it doesn’t spoil.

The work of NGOs may be the best defense for the protection of habitats and conservation of the Leuser. 

NGOs are playing an active role in assisting Indonesia’s local governments in conservation efforts and law enforcement. 

Global Conservation aims to protect and conserve the Tropical Rainforest Heritage of Sumatra through their initiative “No cut, No kill”. Their priorities over the next few years include wildlife habitat protection, removal of illegal plantations, better forest ranger patrolling, and lobbying and legal actions to better enforce the legal protections of the Leuser ecosystem under its designation as a national park. 

One of Global Conservation’s biggest goals is to close up to six illegal palm plantations. Holding small and large scale oil palm producers accountable will help make clear that cultivating oil palm without proper permitting will be prosecuted. With the support of the European Union, other national governments, and foundations like the Leonardo Dicaprio Foundation, Global Conservation aims to raise  $10-20 million in support of these goals. 

Though a small part to a greater whole, NGOs have been playing an important role in protecting and advocating on behalf of the Leuser ecosystem and the thousands of species and millions of people that depend on it. NGOs like Global Conservation’s capabilities of gaining international attention from other countries, celebrities, and spreading awareness is key to long term success in saving the Leuser.

Urban forestry can’t save us from climate change, but it sure can help us adapt to its impacts 

Tree canopy under a cloudy blue sky

The bad news: Planting trees in cities won’t save us from climate change.

 

The good news: Even though planting city trees won’t save us from climate change, it can help our most vulnerable communities adapt to its impacts. (To be clear, planting trees in forests won’t save us from climate change, either, but apparently it’s easier to do that than to just… reduce fossil fuel emissions.)

 

As cities around the world shore up their plans for urban forests and mass tree-planting initiatives gain traction, it’s hard to hear that these efforts are ineffective in the fight against climate change.

 

I’m a budding ecologist, enthusiastic tree hugger, and member of a generation staring down the barrel of unavoidable climate catastrophe. I want to hear good news as much as anyone–in fact, I started writing about urban forestry because it seemed like a beacon of hope amid a sea of depressing environmental news.

 

I desperately want to believe that planting trees is the answer to climate change. But recent research shows that, despite the fact that city trees do store carbon and absorb airborne particulates, city trees can’t save us from climate change or air pollution. This was surprising to me—so many arguments in favor of planting city trees focus on the capacity of urban forests to remove carbon, or their ability to reduce air pollution. These functions of city trees are what make them attractive climate mitigation solutions. But, as it turns out, urban forests aren’t cut out for the job.

 

The problem is a practical one: there isn’t enough room for trees in cities, nor enough time for them to grow. This means that no matter how much carbon or particulate matter a tree planted in a city takes up, it won’t make a dent in the huge amount of emissions and pollution generated by that city. A few trees here and there can’t keep up.

 

Seems bleak, right? Yes, but here’s the important thing: planting more trees in urban areas, though it can’t stop climate change, can definitely help adapt to its impacts as well as reduce tree inequity.

 

Implementing nature-based solutions for climate change adaptation must be a crucial component of achieving climate justice—ensuring that the communities who contribute least to climate change aren’t the ones who suffer the most from it.

 

Centuries of oppression against Black and Indigenous people of color have culminated in the unequal distribution of neighborhood trees we see today (as well as nearly every other case of environmental racism). Historical redlining and segregation have left low-income communities of color with far fewer trees and a lot more heat than their white and wealthy neighbors. Tree inequity today didn’t happen overnight—it’s the inevitable outcome of racist housing policies, rooted in systemic oppression, that perpetuated the race and class privilege we see today.

 

Tree canopy under a cloudy blue sky

Increasing tree canopy cover by planting more trees in disadvantaged neighborhoods is crucial for achieving climate justice and adapting to the worst effects of climate change. Image credit: Jordan Wong

This is where climate adaptation comes in, and it’s here that urban forestry offers its most meaningful benefits. Rising temperatures, exacerbated by the urban heat island effect, and more frequent natural disasters are some of the best-known effects of climate change. Planting trees in strategic locations can help to cool hot neighborhoods, avert stormwater runoff, and provide health benefits to residents beyond just reducing pollution. These represent tangible, local-scale climate adaptation strategies to help build resilience in the communities that need it the most.

 

Beyond building cities that are resilient to the impacts of climate change, I find hope in the idea that taking care of our urban forests can take us one step closer to taking care of our planet and one another.

 

Where does this hopeful path lead? I look to speculative science fiction for inspiration when real life seems too bleak—like the lush greenery and futuristic skyscrapers of Wakanda’s capital city in Marvel’s Black Panther. In these fictional societies, humanity has proven itself capable of living within our ecological limits with the help of technology, and even managed to heal the land we live on.

 

For those of us sadly living here in reality with a shortage of advanced sci-fi technology, utilizing urban forestry for climate adaptation is relatively low-hanging fruit. Taking care of our urban forests certainly isn’t the only thing we need to do, but it can be our first step toward an environmentally just future.

It’s Time to Rescind This Trump-Era Restriction on the Clean Air Act

Photo: Gene Daniels, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration

 

I, like 7% of US kids, grew up with asthma. One family road trip to California turned into a nightmare when we stopped for gas just inside the San Joaquin Valley. I had barely hopped out of the minivan when I felt my lungs tighten. Within seconds, I was doubled over, wheezing. Every inhale felt like needles were poking into the walls of my lungs, and every exhale was a pathetic little puff. Luckily, I had easy access to my rescue inhaler, and I made it out of the situation safely. But the memory will always stick with me.

This was my first run in with the realities of air pollution, but this isn’t a story about me, or even about the San Joaquin Valley, where twice as many kids have asthma compared to the national average. It’s about an arcane system of environmental rules that leaves us all vulnerable to such threats

Like me, Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Administrator Michael Regan was once an asthmatic kid. Now, the EPA he leads has the power to improve air quality for all of us, asthmatic or not. And you and I have the power to help him do it.

In December 2020, after Donald Trump knew he’d be leaving office and President Joe Biden would be his successor, the Trump White House raced to cement its legacy of environmental deregulation.

One of their last-minute actions is especially concerning. It has the unfortunately long title “Increasing Consistency and Transparency in Considering Benefits and Costs in the Clean Air Act Rulemaking Process.” From here on out, I’ll just call it the Cost-Benefit rule. Trump’s EPA Administrator, Andrew Wheeler, touted the Cost-Benefit rule for improving consistency and transparency in rulemaking.

The rule requires EPA economists to split up the expected economic improvements from any new Clean Air Act rule into “benefits” and “co-benefits.” Benefits are narrowly defined as improvements directly targeted by a new rule, while every other improvement gets relegated to co-benefit status.

Let’s say a new rule targets sulfur dioxide emission to reduce acid rain. But reducing sulfur dioxide emissions will also likely reduce fine particulate matter emissions, which are correlated with use of rescue inhalers for asthma symptoms.

But all of the dollars saved when folks with asthma breathe easier as a result of our hypothetical rule don’t count under the Cost-Benefit rule. They’re just co-benefits.

Industry stakeholders flooded the EPA with public comments in support of the Cost-Benefit rule, giving the Trump EPA an easy way to rationalize the rule. Under the rule, polluters could push back against Clean Air Act measures by excluding co-benefits, which can play an important role in justifying new environmental regulations.

Excluding co-benefits made it easier for polluters to challenge Clean Air Act measures in court, slip out from underneath them, and continue polluting. If co-benefits can be ignored, or downplayed as they were under the Trump administration, new Clean Air Act measures are harder to justify based on cost-benefit  analysis  alone.

A decade after my asthma attack outside that California gas station, 82 million Americans still live in counties with air pollution above national standards. There is still work to be done. Lives are on the line. Counting co-benefits can save lives.

This is where the Biden EPA’s effort to rescind the Cost-Benefit rule comes in. It’s where we the people have the power! The EPA under Trump used public comment from industry to justify the creation of the Cost-Benefit rule, and the EPA under Biden can use public comments from you in its rationale for rescinding the rule.

From now until June 14, 2021, the EPA is collecting public comments on rescinding the Cost-Benefit rule. Please, for all of us who will breathe a little easier knowing that the EPA can use the best information available to make rules to protect us, submit a comment. When you submit a substantive comment, the EPA is required to respond to your concerns  in the text of the final regulation.

It’s time to take a stand against conservative politicians and corporate polluters weakening our environmental protections. The EPA is and should be for the people. We’re taking it back.

Can we geoengineer hope?

 

Image: NASA Earth Observatory

 

I’ll admit it: I’m scared of the future.

By now we’ve all heard frightening speculation about a future of rising carbon emissions and intensifying climate change. I often find myself overwhelmed by the unrelenting reality that humans have thrown the entire planet out of whack and now we’re paying the price. Some days I see human extinction as the only possible outcome. Life in the meantime seems futile.

I’m not alone in my climate despair. Last year, the American Psychiatric Association reported that over two thirds of Americans are anxious about climate change. Young people especially are struggling with imagining a future in a world that seems so unstable. 

Resigning ourselves to climate doom won’t solve climate change. It makes us apathetic and unmotivated to look for innovative solutions or push for emissions reductions. If we want to stave off complete climate catastrophe, we need at least a little bit of hope.

Enter solar geoengineering, the brilliant and controversial idea to release reflective particles into the atmosphere to block out some sunlight and slow down the greenhouse effect. No other proposed climate solution would be anywhere near as fast, effective, or cheap.

A lot of people, including climate scientists and environmentalists, think it’s a terrible idea; it’s slapping on a bandaid while corporations continue to hemorrhage fossil fuel emissions. If geoengineering provides any relief, people might stop feeling the sense of urgency that’s driving other climate action.

There is a lot that could go wrong with trying to engineer the climate. Right now, the research is mostly computer models and speculation. A leading research group at Harvard had planned to conduct some of the first field experiments in Sweden this summer, but they were shot down by Swedish environmental groups and the Saami Indigenous people for failing to consider the interests of local communities.

There’s certainly merit to the criticism. Geoengineering shouldn’t be entered into lightly or without engaging local communities and prioritizing justice and equity. But as I teeter on the edge of a pit of climate doom, the idea that we could buy ourselves more time to get our act together is tantalizing, and I think we should consider it.

Reducing emissions on the scale we need to, in the time we need to do it, seems impossible. Even if the Green New Deal hadn’t crashed and burned two years ago, implementing its massive structural changes to zero-out carbon emissions by 2050 or sooner would be enormously expensive and challenged by conservative politicians at every step of the way. 

Geoengineering could give us a positive action to rally around and make us feel like we’re doing something. Even if it doesn’t work like we expect it to, it could reinvigorate climate action and pull us back from the brink of climate fatalism. 

Maybe we don’t need to geoengineer our way out of a climate catastrophe– just our climate despair.

Nobody can predict what a geoengineered future will look like, but we need to try to imagine it. Last summer, I learned a lot about prison abolition, and something I’ve been carrying with me is the importance of imagination. According to Angela Davis, imagination is one of the most important tools for solving big problems like the prison system. This works for climate change, too: imagine what you want a geoengineered world to look like, then think about what needs to happen to make that a reality.

I’m imagining a world where we’ve embraced geoengineering. It’s a world where fewer people have to move inland to escape rising sea levels, where coral reefs have time to adjust to warmer water, and agricultural belts continue to thrive. It’s also a world where I could hope to see a glacier in real life one day. Sure, it’s just speculation, but I think attitude matters. Geoengineering offers us the opportunity to reframe climate change as an opportunity to build a world we want to live in.

If we really want to stop climate change, we need to stop burning fossil fuels. But a simple answer isn’t always the easy one, and energy transition is going to turn our world upside down. Geoengineering could buy us just enough time to make that  transition thoughtfully, not frantically.

Geoengineering isn’t our only hope– it’s not even a real solution– but it could give us some hope when we desperately need it.

Opinion: The Biden Administration must take the lead in ensuring safe water for all Americans

President-elect Joe Biden speaks on climate in September 2020 in Wilmington, Delaware (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images via Morning Consult)

 

In a time of political transition, president-elect Joe Biden’s message of change, progress, and unity comes as no surprise. The Biden administration’s plan to “build back better” includes investing in infrastructure for a sustainable future with a focus on the economy and job creation. The Biden administration is also in a unique position to tackle an issue that’s been pushed off for too long. With one in four Americans getting their water from sources deemed unsafe or not properly regulated, now is the time to improve water infrastructure in a way that centers the people it serves over cost and convenience.

Biden must ensure clean water by countering Trump’s attempts to dismantle clean water safeguards. Especially in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, we have seen firsthand how important clean running water is in maintaining a healthy population. 

According to the American Society of Civil Engineers, the US needs to invest at least $129 billion, almost three times as much as the US is currently spending, in water infrastructure to bring it up to acceptable standards. With nearly half of all water infrastructure in the US rated as poor by the American Water Works, water pipes are reaching the end of their lifetime and increasingly vulnerable to failures. Our actions today will shape water systems for the next century.

Not only should the planning and implementation process be made transparent — it should center around the need of people, not profit, in order to ensure long-term sustainability. We have seen the damage that comes from not doing so in the infamous lead contamination of Flint, MI, a post-industrial, predominantly Black city that continues to suffer from short-sighted actions of government officials and will for generations to come. 

Water issues are not isolated to urban areas; in fact, most violations of safe drinking water don’t happen in cities. Environmental pollution such as agricultural runoff and from coal mining complicates rural areas’ lack of existing infrastructure, funding, and general awareness of the need to improve conditions. Biden must work to not only update existing infrastructure, but to invest in clean water for all Americans. 

One place to start is increasing federal oversight of water regulation and the infrastructure renewal process. Lack of regular, reliable regulation makes it difficult for people to hold officials in charge accountable to higher standards. A reason for the decline in regulation quality is the decrease in funding especially during the Trump administration, even after Trump touted the importance of “crystal clear water” during his 2016 campaign.

The Trump administration rolled back the Clean Water Rule implemented during the Obama administration, which limited the bodies of water that need to be federally regulated. This is borne out of the fact that when it comes to our water, lawmakers prioritize costs over serving the public. 

The water itself is not the only thing that’s not being regulated: there is no federal oversight of the materials that plastic water pipes are made of. While the EPA regulates lead and copper pipes, the jury is still out on whether PVC pipes are an appropriate alternative, but that hasn’t stopped the plastic industry from capitalizing on this opportunity. Following the Flint water crisis, the plastic industry has been pushing PVC plastic pipes as practical, cost-effective replacement material. 

At first glance, the cheap and durable PVC pipes seem like a godsend especially for communities that need to replace their aging pipes fast to prevent a crisis like Flint. However, a 2013 study showed that as this plastic ages, it leaches into the water contaminants with uncertain health and environmental impacts. While there is no perfect, one-size-fits-all solution material for pipe replacement, the Biden administration can take a stand in setting higher regulatory standards to ensure Americans have access to the best quality water possible, not just the cheapest and most available–especially because these systems will serve generations to come. 

Temporary solutions such as bottled water and even more long term solutions such as home level filtration systems may bring immediate relief. However, the issues America faces with water infrastructure is a symptom of politicians’ failure to plan for the long term, and the problematic problem-solving approach of responding to crises rather than working to prevent them. 

The good news is, change is near. The appointments Rep. Deb Haaland of New Mexico as Interior Secretary and Michael Regan as head of the EPA signify the Biden administration’s commitment to meaningful, long-term change in terms of environmental justice. If Biden is true to his word, federal investment in water infrastructure will not only help improve access and quality of water, but also create up to 800,000 jobs — a much-needed relief in the face of unprecedented unemployment rates due to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

This willingness to ignore our infrastructure problems until there is no choice but to address them must end with the Biden administration with increased regulation, monitoring, and federal oversight to center the needs of the public above all else.

Seeing the Forest for the Trees: Small Scale Reforestation and Alternative Climate Solutions

“Live staking” – planting tree clippings that will become full-grown trees to restore an eroded river bank in Tennessee (Source: Tennessee Wholesale Nursery)

When I envision addressing climate change, like many of you, I picture planting trees. Planting trees became a theme in my college years. In North Carolina, we planted hundreds of “live stakes”, or tree clippings, along eroded river banks. From these eroded river banks in North Carolina to deforested fjords in Iceland and mined mountain tops in Haiti, I’ve seen first hand the need for reforestation around the world. 

Even President Donald Trump thinks it’s a good idea. He initiated the Trillion Trees Initiative global coalition ー including the World Wildlife Foundation, BirdLife and the Wildlife Conservation Society ー seeking to protect and regrow 1 trillion trees by 2050. The Bonn Challenge is another global goal-setting initiative with 61 countries pledging to restore 350 million hectares of forest by 2030.

Because trees absorb significant amounts of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, many see them as nature’s allies in the fight against climate change. But that is not always the case. While there are numerous benefits to planting trees, there are both right and wrong approaches to planting. When ill-informed planting occurs, it can cause more problems than solutions. 

Black locust reforested hills in Loess Plateau, China (Source: The Conversation)

Take China for example. With help from online shopping company giants, Alibaba and Alipay, the Chinese state government pledged to increase forest cover 42% by 2050. One initiative was a  top-down reforestation project that planted black locust trees in the Loess Plateau. They cultivated black locust plantations in natural grasslands to prevent soil erosion and desertification. But they did not foresee that the black locust trees would suck up 92% of annual rainfall and leave only 8% for human consumption. This led to a decrease in cropland and a lack of clean water runoff into the Yellow River Basin, hindering access to a safe water source many communities rely on. 

In contrast, Costa Rica offers a story of hope. The country was once covered by 75% rainforest, but pasture-driven deforestation decreased forest cover by 35-50%. To address this loss, it became illegal to cut trees without government approval in 1996. A year later, the government introduced Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) ー a program funded by taxes on fossil fuels. PES rewards farmers who contribute to sustainable forestry and environmental protection. Pedro Garcia is one such farmer committed to a life of ecological investment. To combat deforestation, he converted part of his cattle pasture into a densely forested wildlife haven to provide shelter for native species of flora and fauna. Ecotourism is now an important supplemental income that increases the economic value of preserving such habitats. Since the government intervention, nearly 60% of Costa Rica is covered in forests again. This much progress would have been more difficult without people willing to take individual accountability. When government action is focused on a micro scale reforestation can be effective.

Agroforestry in Costa Rica – from forest to rice field back to forest (Source: World Economic Forum)

Another alternative to large-scale reforestation is agroforestry. By planting trees and crops together, farmers create economic and environmental opportunities for their land. Aldo Sánchez is another Costa Rican farmer and he plants banana trees that provide shade for his cacao plants. Within three years, he transformed his land from barren cattle pasture to a luscious green sustainable growing environment. Small-scale action by individual farmers has been instrumental to revitalizing the forests of Costa Rica that were destroyed in the early 20th Century for coffee and sugar cane plantations. Persistent effort from farmers like Mr. Garcia and Mr. Sánchez has made all the difference.

China offers a cautionary tale. Planting conducted by non-community-based actors often lacks ongoing management. Because people from outside of the community endeavor to establish new forests, planting sites often lack ongoing management with poor monitoring of potential ecosystem imbalances like excess water absorption. Actors need to better understand the ecosystem, climate, and the composition of native tree species to minimize adverse outcomes. Looking to Costa Rica for guidance we see what is possible with smaller scale action. Proximity to the reforestation site facilitates a better understanding of the land, its history, and what does and does not work in the ecosystem. Local initiatives, natural reforestation after land abandonment, and agroforestry are promising smaller-scale alternatives that counter the top-down narrative. After cropland abandonment in Puerto Rico and Spain, native vegetation and tree populations successfully regenerated on their own. Contrarily, agroforestry can successfully revitalize forested landscapes by balancing reforestation with crops, rather than in the absence of farming. Ultimately, whether it is individual, local, or country-wide action, reforestation must be specific and small-scale.

Turning Beef into Berries: Can Bioeconomies Save the Amazon?

This year, the Amazon rainforest witnessed the worst fire outbreak in the last decade. Acute drought conditions in part intensified the fire emergency, but at the center of this crisis is astronomical rates of deforestation. Behind escalating environmental degradation are familiar culprits: unrestrained cattle ranching, soy cultivation, mining, and illegal logging. National discourse frames these activities as necessary in a country undergoing a snail-paced recovery from the 2015 recession. On his campaign trail, Brazil’s far-right president Jair Bolsonaro pledged to turn the Amazon into the “economic soul” of the country.

However, research is mixed on the economic benefits of large-scale land conversions for cattle ranching and agriculture. A study on land use in the Amazon biome revealed high levels of educational attainment, income, and life expectancy in areas with soybean centers. Yet such progress is often short-lived. Growth in the Amazon tends to follow a boom-and-bust cycle of development: Deforestation produces accelerated progress followed by precipitous drops in profit once natural resources dwindle.

How can the Amazon reduce dependence on these unstable and increasingly unsustainable economic systems?

A promising alternative to cattle economies is decentralized, locally based bioeconomies. The bioeconomy concept lacks clear definition; it encompasses everything from sustainable industrial processes to biology-based businesses. In the Amazon, bioeconomies envision new agriculture models built on traditional knowledge and conservation, as opposed to destruction, of the Amazon’s rich biodiversity. By harnessing the economic potential of renewable biological resources like Brazil nuts, acai berry, and cocoa, bioeconomy initiatives generate employment for the Amazon’s rural and urban communities, populations that have long struggled against some of the highest poverty rates in Brazil.

Bioeconomies benefit both consumers and farmers. In Mato Grosso, local cooperatives sell Brazil nuts for $4 a pound, three times cheaper than the cost in large cities. And the acai berry, hailed as a superfood, is making major inroads in the global economy. Yielding a profit of $1 billion a year, the acai berry industry provides job opportunities for more than 300,000 producers in the Amazon.

Sustainable farming and industrial processes that tap into the Amazon’s vast biological reserves boost environmental protection and economic growth (Source: Innovation News Network).

So why aren’t more cattle ranchers turning to bioeconomies? One explanation is poor infrastructure. For all the engineering feats in the Amazon, there are few roads connecting rural areas to cities. Local farmers, therefore, lack access to the necessary refrigerated transport and supply chains to expand biodiversity-based businesses. High upfront costs also make it harder for cattle ranchers to transition to sustainable farming.

More fundamentally, however, is the question of whether bioeconomies can rival Brazil’s mammoth cattle and soybean industries. For scientist Carlos Nobre, the answer is clear: Bioeconomy products reap $3,3000 per hectare per year, and soy and beef, $183 per hectare per year. High value bio-industries are simply more productive than intensive soy agriculture and cattle breeding. Yet Brazil is the world’s largest beef producer. Brazilian beef exports stood at $7.449 billion in 2019. Bioeconomies have to be scaled up considerably to compete with the rainforest’s dominant industries. Doing so requires nothing short of “an industrial and scientific revolution,” said Nobre.

To this end, the Brazilian government should enact policies that drive economic transformations in the rainforest. For one, investments should be redirected from cattle ranching to biodiversity-based farming. Economic incentives first catalyzed growth in what was then Brazil’s nascent cattle industry. Similar financial schemes may spur development and expansion of bioeconomies. Government oversight is also vital to the crackdown on illegal land clearing. Between 2004 and 2014, strong enforcement of environmental protection contributed to a 70% drop in deforestation rates. Efficient enforcement of environmental legislation coupled with financial incentives could alter economic structures in the Amazon region, and help pave the path for bioeconomy products.

But Bolsonaro’s administration is mired in corruption and political controversy. Ruralistas, a powerful agribusiness lobby, exert disproportionate influence on congressional decision-making. This presents a significant bottleneck to structural change in the Amazon. With little political impetus, the Brazilian government is unlikely to take environmental action on its own.

Here, the international community has a key role to play. Global investments, such as president-elect Joe Biden’s proposal to amass $20 billion to protect the Amazon, and donations from the Amazon Fund, an international mechanism to raise money for forest preservation, can finance infrastructure development in the Amazonian interior. International markets should also be leveraged in this effort. The Amazon’s beef and soy industries are growing more responsive to economic and social pressures, including the global outcry against poor environmental standards in agricultural production. Economic drivers such as consumer demand, trade partnerships, and international collaboration could similarly propel innovation in the Amazon’s bio-industries.

Ultimately, however, the Amazonian crisis demands a reckoning with ideas of progress itself. Without growth that centers on people over profit, inclusion over exclusion, and environmental protection over destruction, the expansion of bioeconomies could turn into another tragic tale of exploitation in the Amazon basin. In a region trapped within cycles of poverty and degradation, equitable and sustainable development is the need of the hour.

The Argument for Fake Christmas Trees: Elongate Hemlock Scales are the Grinch this Christmas

Yep, you read that right. Using a fake Christmas tree this year might actually be the environmentally conscious thing to do. It may be surprising to hear the approach I’m taking in the age-old argument between buying real or fake Christmas trees. However, before you clap your hands over your eyes and start fa-la-la-la-la-ing to drown out my article, consider that the health of our forests and the viability of future Christmas trees may be at risk. 

Meet the elongate hemlock scale, an invasive insect whose population is snowballing in New England’s Christmas trees and threatens to spread across the East Coast. Humans are unwittingly playing a large role in that spread. By shopping locally, inspecting our trees, and properly disposing of them, or by using a fake Christmas tree, we can reduce the spread of the elongate hemlock scale. 

 

Tree branch infested with elongate hemlock scales. Source: Minnesota State Department of Agriculture

Elongate hemlock scales, native to Japan and China, are tiny insects that feed on the sap of plants and steal the fluids and nutrients the tree needs to be healthy. The brownish-yellow pest can usually be found on the underside of tree needles, latched on with mouth suckers, and covered in a protective waxy substance. They spread during the “crawler” phase of their life cycle when they can move around on trees. They transfer hosts through contact, by being digested and moved by birds or other animals, or even by being blown to a new host on the wind. 

For most Americans, long-past are the days of taking a trip to a national forest to chop down your own tree. Nowadays, people prefer convenience when picking out a living room companion. Thus, the creation of Christmas tree farms. The majority of Christmas trees supplied to the Northeast are grown on farms in North Carolina and then shipped to sellers in different states. Here’s the bad news: elongate hemlock scales have started to invade southern East Coast states like North Carolina. The invasion, previously contained to New England forests, could soon be shipped to locations down the east coast and further into the midwest. 

The worst part of the growing Southern infestation is that the elongate hemlock scale can have two staggered life cycles each year with warmer winters. This means that the crawlers are a year-round issue. When sellers import Christmas trees from states like North Carolina, trees with active crawlers are introduced to the system, furthering their spread. The terrible confluence of these factors makes elongate hemlock scales extremely likely to spread this holiday season.

Selecting fake Christmas trees could be extremely beneficial towards stopping the spread in the long run. Usually, the argument for buying real Christmas trees over fake ones goes like this: buying real trees helps support Christmas tree farms whose trees provide habitat and serve as a carbon dioxide sink. Buying fake trees creates a demand for more fossil-fueled plastic and requires transportation from far away countries where the trees are manufactured, incurring large carbon emissions in the process. These points are still valid, however, this year buying real trees can also cause massive ecosystem disruption. Using a fake tree this Christmas might protect your option to buy real Christmas trees in the future. The best choice would be to purchase a second hand or thrifted Christmas tree to minimize the carbon footprint. 

However, if you do plan to chop your own tree or go to a local Christmas tree farm, be sure to check for signs of an invasive species infection in the tree. Elongate hemlock scale tree invasions are usually identified by having yellowing branches and a thin crown of the tree. In severe infestation, you should also be able to see the larger brown female scale on the underside of the needles.  

Yellowing branches of an elongate hemlock scale infested tree. Source: eXtension 

Another way to prevent the spread is to deck-the-halls with local plant species. Even though it may not be a traditional decoration, native-plant inspired homemade wreaths, centerpieces, and lawn decorations can be a fun and unique project to make with family members. 

If you do decide to buy a real tree, when the sad day comes to take it down remember to dispose of it responsibly. Most areas have a recycling program that will properly dispose of any invasive species that might have gone undetected in the tree. When infested trees are abandoned, the elongate hemlock scale crawlers can move to new areas and infest additional local nature that could have remained undamaged. Find a Christmas tree recycling program near you here. If you do find an elongate hemlock scale, please report it to your state government’s department of agriculture website.

Close up image of a female elongate hemlock scale under a tree needle. Source: Penn State Extension Website

This holiday season, I urge you to consider using a fake Christmas tree to stop the spread of this pesky pest. Although elongate hemlock scales are the Grinch this Christmas, decorating responsibly will help keep everyone’s holiday season merry.