As an adopted Chinese woman, I grew up hearing about China’s One-Child Policy. It is easy to chart the historical events that led the Chinese government to impose one of the largest experiments in population control. When Mao Zedong came to power the Communist government encouraged larger and larger families; the goal was to strengthen the People’s Republic of China. As a result, China underwent a population boom during the 1950’s. China’s infrastructure and agricultural output could not keep up with the growing population and many were left without food. The 1959-1961 famine, which killed over 15 million people, demanded government action. The One-Child Policy came about as a way to curb population growth until the government could figure out a way to stretch the country’s resources.
Imposed in 1979, the one-child restrictions have had lasting economic and social effects. As a product of the system, I know how the policy disproportionately affected Chinese women and girls. One of the most globally publicized outcomes has been the population’s gender imbalance, a result of the social preference for boy children. Part of the reason sons were preferred was that the burden to make money and financially provide for a family is one traditionally placed on men. It is also customary for the son to take on the responsibility of caring for his aging parents. Any female child, once married, would leave to live with her husband and help care for her husband’s parents. For parents considering the economic benefits of having children it makes sense that they would favor boys. In many ways, by restricting the number of children most families could have, the government inadvertently increased the pressure families put on their children, both to succeed and conform to the parents’ desires. These desires often coincide with following traditional gender roles and getting a high-paid stable job to support the family unit, especially regarding male children. With a shrinking population of predominantly male only children the current concern is that the China’s population is, on average, getting older and does not have enough young people to fill the labor market. Another concern is that all young boys that have grown into men now have too few options when it comes to finding a wife. I find it difficult to sympathize with those men when there are so many others who have had less opportunity because of the intense population regulations.
The very process of having a child, male or female, in China is controlled by the bureaucracy. Penalties for breaking the One-Child law included losing a job or paying high fines or both. Certain communities, such as minority groups and poorer rural families, weren’t subject to such strict enforcement, partially because it was harder to keep track but also because of the desire to increase agricultural output. Of course, the One-Child Policy was broken many times and not just by families with money. This group of “missing children,” children being conceived but then removed from Chinese society, was understood to be a result of abortion, infanticide, or adoption. As for the children who were placed in orphanages, the Chinese government holds the power to determine which orphaned children are adopted. Generally, they give the most desirable children (babies without mental or physical disabilities) to the “ideal” couples—heterosexual, young, and wealthy. This kind of discrimination discounts a huge number of capable parents, namely single women and homosexual couples who want to adopt, and keeps many children from finding a decent home. Families that chose adoption risked getting caught. A faster and less dangerous option was infanticide, which has a long history of being standard practice, if not morally condoned.
Until recently, no one considered other options parents could take. Children born during the time of the One-Child Policy could live in secret, protected by their families, unknown to the Chinese government and the statisticians who studied the gender gap. It was only after the One-Child Policy was lifted that there has been news coverage of people coming forward to say that while they only have one child on record they have other undocumented children. These unregistered children have lived on the fringes of society and have been largely overlooked. This population of undocumented children face a particular set of challenges because their mere existence is a crime. They have limited autonomy and face a difficult life, since they have no government-issued IDs, are unable to attend public school, and are unable to get decent jobs. Even now, after the One-Child Policy has been lifted, these undocumented people are denied the same rights as their siblings and peers. In 2013, the One-Child Policy was relaxed and families could apply to have a second child. Many people tried to register their children retroactively but were still met with steep fees. The unregistered children are now older and because they are still unable to properly join society, they have become a greater burden on their aging parents. Understandably, they are looking for a way out that isn’t based on paying impossible fees. As awareness increases the Chinese government is forced to confront this group of people they have neglected for so long. The Chinese government is quick to deflect criticism, deny accountability, and shut down resistance, not matter what the issue—in this case, it’s wasted potential and a human rights violation.
As China’s economy grows the wealth of the nation increases. Many studies show that increasing wealth actually decreases the birthrate. Instead of waiting for these patterns to play out the government attempted a short cut via the One-Child Policy, leaving many in trouble. Despite the economic challenges of meeting the demands of a huge population there is no reason for the government to interfere with how and when a woman chooses to get pregnant, nor limit the opportunities available to the child once born.
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