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The IMF and Sovereign Debt

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The continuing inability of the Eurozone economies to break out of their current impasse means that any optimistic projections of declining debt to GDP ratios are unlikely to be achieved. As long as European governments continue to raise funds in the financial markets on favorable terms, the current situation remains sustainable.  But the IMF is thinking ahead to the day when there is a change in the financial climate, and is proposing a change in the rules governing its ability to lend to governments that may need its assistance if they are to continue repaying their debt.

The Fund’s rethinking has been prompted by its concerns over its lending to Greece. The IMF, as part of a “troika” with the European Commission and the European Central Bank, participated in a loan arrangement in May 2010. The IMF’s contribution consisted of a $40 billion Stand-By Arrangement. The Fund had a problem, however: this amount far exceeded the normal amount of credit that the IMF normally provided to its members. Exceptions were allowed, but there were criteria to govern when “exceptional access” was permitted. One of these was a high probability that a government’s public debt was sustainable in the medium term. It was difficult to claim that was true for Greece in 2010, so an alternative criterion was established: exceptional access could also be provided if there was a “high risk of international systemic spillover effects.” This was used as grounds to justify the lending arrangement to Greece.

A restructuring of the Greek debt did take place in 2012. The IMF subsequently issued a review of its own response to debt crises, and found that “debt restructurings have often been too little and too late, this failing to re-establish debt sustainability and market access in a durable way.” The IMF was concerned that its money was used to pay off creditors who would otherwise have been forced to negotiate changes in the debt’s conditions with the Greek government.

The IMF has come back with a new lending framework for governments with problems in paying off their debt. The new option would be relevant for a country that has lost access to the capital markets, and when there are concerns about the sustainability of its debt. The government would ask for a “reprofiling” of its debt by creditors, which would consist of an extension of its maturity without a reduction in the principal or interest, while the IMF offered financial support with a plan for economic policy adjustment. Fund officials claim that “reprofiling tends to be less costly to creditors than debt reduction, less disruptive to financial markets, and hence less contagious.”

The new option would allow the IMF to operate in situations where the sustainability of a country’s debt is ambiguous. Those cases are more common than creditors want to admit. Ireland and Portugal have graduated from their respective IMF programs, and can obtain credit again. But the “good outcome” occurred in part because Mario Draghi, President of the European Central Bank, pledged to do “whatever it takes” to preserve the euro, and market participants took him at his word. To date, no one has called upon Mr. Draghi to back up his pledge, and lending rates to all the Eurozone members have fallen. But it is not too difficult to imagine a scenario in which the ECB’s credibility crumbles, particularly if deflation takes hold. What then happens to perceptions of debt sustainability?

As an agent of 188 sovereign principals (the member governments), the IMF is constrained in what it can do on its own initiative. But any ambiguity of the sustainability of debt gives the IMF some scope for autonomy. In addition, differences in the objectives of the members provide policy “space” for the IMF to maneuver.

Extending the maturity date of an existing bond would lower its net present value of the debt. Lenders, therefore, are unlikely to embrace the IMF’s proposal. But the concerns over the repayment of Argentine debt threaten to extend to other markets (see here), and are another source of uncertainty.  An association of lenders has issued a call for more flexibility in the terms governing collective action clauses, but these take time to implement. Moreover, European finance ministers are preoccupied by other, more pressing concerns.

As long as debt markets remain calm, “reprofiling” will be considered as an interesting policy proposal, which will be sent off for further study. But once the interests of the major stakeholders—which continue to be the G7 countries—are involved, then there will be an assessment based on the financial interests at stake. The response to the Greek debt crisis demonstrated that the European countries are quite willing to rewrite the rules governing the IMF’s policy options when they see an advantage for their national interests. But the response to a similar situation in another part of the world could be very different. And it is precisely that perception of unequal treatment that is driving dissatisfaction with current arrangements at the IMF.

 

European Doldrums

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European economies are faltering.  The German economy contracted in the second quarter, as did those of France and Italy. Growth in Spain and the Netherlands was not enough to offset the slowdown in the Eurozone’s largest members.  An escalation in the confrontation with Russia would send shockwaves rippling from the Ukraine westwards that world worsen the situation.

The continuing slump confirms Jay C. Shambaugh’s observation (which appears in his paper in the new volume, What Have We Learned? Macroeconomic Policy After the Crisis) that much of what happened during the global financial crisis was consistent with standard international macroeconomics. For example, countries with flexible exchange rates were able to adjust more easily to the shock than those with fixed rates. Shambaugh also compares unemployment rates in the Eurozone with those across the U.S., and notes that while both the range and standard deviation of unemployment rates began to fall in the U.S. in 2010, the dispersion of national unemployment rates continued in the Eurozone. Labor conditions improved in some countries, but not others. Shambaugh cites this as evidence that there is a lack of adequate shock absorbers, such as labor mobility, within the Eurozone.

These structural problems have been exacerbated by fiscal austerity policies. Governments have sought to reestablish fiscal balance despite the impact on economic performance. The latest announcements of lowered growth have led to calls for relaxing fiscal constraints. But the incoming head of the EU Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, shows little interest in relaxing the limits on fiscal policies, nor does German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

This leaves (once again) Mario Draghi and the European Central Bank as the focus of hope and attention. The central bank is waiting for the impact of policy measures announced in June to take place. But the disappointing economic news only reinforces calls for the ECB to enact a European version of quantitative easing.

The European GDP data have troubling implications for the larger issue of European debt. Last April, the IMF offered projections for the debt/GDP ratios this year and next:

 

2014 2015
France 95.8 96.1
Greece 174.7 171.3
Ireland 123.7 122.7
Italy 134.5 133.1
Spain 98.8 102.0
Eurozone 95.6 94.5

 

The new data will not improve the forecasts for these countries. Greece’s situation, in particular, appears as dire as ever. The Greek government hopes that a cyclically-adjusted fiscal surplus of 2.1% for 2013 will allow it some reduction in the interest rates it must pay and an extension of debt repayments. But the official targets for debt/GDP ratios of 124% in 2020 and 110% in 2022 appear unrealistic.

In a recent paper by Manuel Ramos-Francia, Ana María Aguilar-Argaez, Santiago García-Verdú and Gabriel Cuadra-García (all of the Banco de México) that appeared in the English edition of Monetaria, the authors compare the Latin American debt crisis with the European crisis. They point out that the macro imbalances and the magnitudes of the debt are larger in the peripheral European countries than they were in Latin America. Moreover, the Europeans are not able to rely on exchange rate devaluations to deal with the costs of fiscal austerity. They also remind us that the Latin American situation was finally resolved in 1989 by a reduction in debt and the issuance of “Brady bonds” (see Chapter 4 here), and suggest that some form of debt relief be granted in Europe.

It took seven years from the outbreak of the Latin American crisis for a resolution to be achieved. By that reckoning, European countries have several years of continued stagnation ahead. Political leaders who have seen their predecessors swept out of office by angry voters may not be willing to wait that long.

The Challenges of Achieving Financial Stability

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The end of the dot.com bubble in 2000 led to a debate over whether central banks should take financial stability into account when formulating policy, in addition to the usual indicators of economic stability such as inflation and unemployment. The response from many central bankers was that they did not feel confident that they could identify price bubbles before they collapsed, but that they could always deal with the byproducts of a bout of speculation. The global financial crisis undercut that response and has led to the development of macroprudential tools to address systemic vulnerabilities. But regulators and other policymakers who seek to achieve financial stability face several challenges.

First, they have to distinguish between the signals given by financial and economic indicators, and weigh the impact of any measures they consider on anemic economic recoveries. The yields in Europe on sovereign debt for borrowers such as Spain, Portugal and Ireland are at their lowest levels since before the crisis. Foreign investors are scooping up properties in Spain, where housing prices have fallen by over 30% since their 2007 highs. But economic growth in the Eurozone for the first quarter was 0.2% and in the European Union 0.3%. Stock prices in the U.S. reached record levels while Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen voiced concerns about a weak labor market and inflation below the Federal Reserve’s 2% target. When asked about the stock market, Yellen admitted that investors may be taking on extra risk because of low interest rates, but said that equity market valuations were within their “historical norms.” Meanwhile, Chinese officials seek to contain the impact of a deflating housing bubble on their financial system while minimizing any economic consequences.

Second, regulators need to consider the international dimensions of financial vulnerability. Capital flows can increase financial fragility, and the rapid transmission of financial volatility across borders has been recognized since the 1990s. Graciela L. Kaminsky, Carmen M. Reinhart and Carlos A. Végh analyzed the factors that led to what they called “fast and furious” contagion. Such contagion occurred, they found, when there had been previous surges of capital inflows and when the crisis was unanticipated. The presence of common creditors, such as international banks, was a third factor. U.S. banks had been involved in Latin America before the debt crisis of the 1980s, while European and Japanese banks had lent to Asia in the 1990s before the East Asian crisis.

The global financial crisis revealed that financial integration across borders exacerbated the downturn.  The rise of international financial networks that transmit risk across frontiers was the subject of a recent IMF conference. Joseph Stiglitz of Columbia University gave the opening talk on interconnectedness and financial stability, and claimed that banks can be not only too big to fail, and can also be “too interconnected, too central, and too correlated to fail.” But dealing with interconnected financial networks is difficult for policymakers whose authority ends at their national borders.

Finally, officials have to overcome the opposition of those who are profiting from the current environment. IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde has attributed insufficient progress on banking reform to “fierce industry pushback” from that sector. Similarly, Bank of England head Mark Carney has told bankers that they must develop a sense of their responsibilities to society. Adam J. Levitin, in a Harvard Law Review essay that summarizes the contents of several recent books on the financial crisis, writes that “regulatory capture” by financial institutions has undercut financial regulation that was supposed to restrain them, and requires a political response. James Kwak has emphasized the role of ideology in slowing financial reform.

Markets for financial and other assets exhibit little sign of stress. The Chicago Board Options Exchange Volatility index (VIX), which measures expectations of U.S. stock price swings, fell to a 14-month low that matched pre-crisis levels. Such placidity, however, can mask the buildup of systemic stresses in financial systems. Regulators and other policy officials who seek to forestall another crisis by acting peremptorily will need to possess political courage as well as economic insight.

Recovery in Europe?

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Greece has returned to the bond market, issuing $4.2 billion of five-year bonds at an interest rate of 4.95%. The government’s ability to borrow again is a “reward” for posting a surplus on its primary budget (although the accounting that produced the surplus has been questioned).  This has been viewed as a sign, albeit fragile, of recovery. Portugal has also sold bonds and hopes to exit its bailout program this spring. But what does recovery mean for these countries, and is it sustainable?

Growth for these countries reflects a rise from a brutally harsh downturn. Greece has an unemployment rate of 26.7%, with much higher rates for its youth. Portugal’s unemployment rate of 15.3% was achieved in part by emigration.

A look forward indicates that the debt that drove these countries to borrow from their European neighbors and the IMF will fall in the next five years but continue at elevated levels. The latest Fiscal Monitor of the International Monetary Fund forecasts gross government debt to GDP ratios for these countries, as well as for the Eurozone:

2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Greece 171.3 162.5 153.7 146.1 137.8
Portugal 124.8 122.6 119.1 116.6 113.8
Eurozone 94.5 92.6 90.4 88.1 85.5

Even if the debt/GDP ratios above the Reinhart-Rogoff 90% threshold do not pose a threat to growth, it is noticeable that the Eurozone’s debt does not fall below it until 2018, while debt/GDP in Greece and Portugal will be in triple digits for many years.

These debt levels become more worrisome in light of fears of deflation in the Eurozone. Greek consumer prices have been falling, and inflation in the Eurozone is below its 2% target level. European Central Bank head Mario Draghi has downplayed these concerns, pointing to rising prices in other Eurozone countries.  But IMF economists Reza Moghadem, Ranjit Teja and Pelin Berkman point out that even low inflation can also pose problems. Deflation and less than expected rates of inflation increase the burden of existing debt. Greece’s debt will become more of a burden if it rises in real terms. Low inflation also makes wage adjustment harder to achieve.

The ECB would (presumably) respond if the prospect of deflation became more likely. But would it be able to stave off falling prices through its version of quantitative easing? There are concerns that large-scale purchases of assets by the ECB might not be as effective as anticipated. Interest rates have already fallen and are unlikely to fall further. Moreover, the decline in borrowing costs for Greece and other sovereign borrowers may have already have factored in ECB intervention.

Draghi’s pledge in 2012 to do “whatever it takes” to protect the euro undoubtedly lowered concerns about a collapse of the Eurozone. But, as I have argued before, the confidence within the Eurozone inspired by the ECB’s powers could vanish, particularly if there were doubts about the ECB’s ability to actually accomplish whatever it takes to avoid deflation. Lower borrowing costs based on faith in the ECB will ease conditions in the Eurozone crisis countries. But they need to be backed up by improving economic fundamentals before they are seen as justified. Until then, purchasing sovereign debt is a high-risk proposition, no matter what the interest rates signal.

Too Much of a Good Thing?

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Global banks do not have much to cheer about these days. Earnings are falling, and the banks are responding by cutting jobs. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation has charged 16 banks of colluding to rig the London Interbank Offer rate (LIBOR). And the Federal Reserve has approved a rule that requires foreign banks with $50 billion of assets in the U.S. to establish holding companies for their American units that meet the same capital adequacy standards as do their U.S. peers. The latter move has been interpreted as a sign of the fragmentation of global finance that will hinder the global allocation of credit.

The Federal Reserve supported the foreign banks in the fall of 2008 when the it lent to distressed institutions. The U.S. units of European banks accounted for $538 billion of the Federal Reserve’s emergency loans, over half of the total. Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke had to answer criticism from U.S. lawmakers that the loans did not benefit U.S. taxpayers. At the same time, the Federal Reserve was establishing swap lines with central banks in 14 countries. The dollars those monetary authorities acquired were used to prop up their banks that needed to finance their holding of U.S. debt.

Banks have various ways to meet the new capital adequacy standards. They can hold back on dividend payouts from their earnings, although that may not be popular with their stockholders. They can raise funds in the capital markets. And some banks, such as Deutsche Bank, will shrink their balance sheets in order to comply with the regulations. This has led to fears of cutbacks in lending.

The announcement of the new standard came as the Bank of International Settlements (BIS) was publishing its quarterly report on the international banking markets. The BIS data showed that the cross-border claims of BIS reporting banks fell by $500 billion in the their quarter of 2013, the biggest contraction since the second quarter of 2012. Most of this decline occurred in Europe, as lending between parents banks and their subsidiaries in the Eurozone and the United Kingdom declined.

Would a contraction in bank credit have negative consequences? It certainly will for those firms in Europe that are unable to obtain credit. But there are also grounds for believing that a reduction in banking activity may under some circumstances be advantageous for an economy. The same issue of the BIS Quarterly Review that reported the international banking data also carried an article by BIS economists Leonardo Gambacorta, Jung Yang and Kostas Tsataronis. They compared the impact of bank and capital market activity on economic growth, and found that increases in both contributed to higher growth, but only up to threshold levels of GDP. After those thresholds are reached, further expansion in banking or capital markets had negative impacts on growth. Similar results have been reported by Jean-Louis Arcand, Enrico Berkes and Ugo Panizza of the IMF, Stephen G. Cecchetti and Enisse Kharroubi also at the BIS, and Sioong Hook Law of Universiti Putra Malaysia and Nirvikar Sinth of UC-Santa Cruz in the Journal of Banking & Finance (working paper version here).

These studies deal with the domestic impacts of financial activity. How about bank lending across borders? The record there also demonstrates that bank lending can have adverse consequences. Martin Feldkircher of Oesterreichische Nationalbank (the National Bank of Austria) has a paper in the Journal of International Money and Finance (working paper version here) that examines the determinants of the severity of the global financial crisis in 63 countries, using 97 candidate variables. He reports that the change in domestic credit provided by the banking sector is a robust determinant of crisis severity. When he further investigated by interacting the bank credit variable with measures of risk, including macro, external, fiscal, financial and contagion and spillover risk, he found that the interaction of bank credit with foreign claims from banks in advanced countries robustly explained crisis severity. He concludes: “Countries with high credit growth and considerable exposure to external funding saw their economies more severely affected during times of financial distress.”

There is a line between financing new economic activities and bankrolling speculation. The former promotes welfare, the latter ends in volatility and distress. Unfortunately, that line shifts as new opportunities appear. Trying to find it is a constant challenge for regulators.

Riding the Waves

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The volatility in emerging markets has abated a bit, but may resume in the fallout of the Russian takeover of the Crimea. The capital outflows and currency depreciations experienced in some emerging market nations have been attributed to their choice of policies. But their economic situations reflect the domestic impact of capital inflows as well as their macroeconomic policies.

 Fernanda Nechio of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, for example, shows that exchange rate depreciations of emerging markets are linked to their fiscal and current account balances, with larger depreciations occurring in those countries such as Brazil and India with deficits in both balances. Kristin Forbes of MIT’s Sloan School also draws attention to the connection between the extent of the currency depreciations and the corresponding current account deficits. Nechio and Forbes both advise policymakers in emerging markets to make sound policy choices to avoid further volatility.

Good advice! But Stijn Claessens of the IMF and Swati Ghosh of the World Bank have pointed out in the World Bank’s Dealing with the Challenges of Macro Financial Linkages in Emerging Markets that capital flows can exacerbate prevailing economic trends. Relatively large capital inflows to emerging markets (“surges”) tend to take the form of bank and portfolio debt, which contribute to increased domestic bank lending and domestic credit. Claessens and Ghosh write (p.108) that “…large inflows in net terms are the financial counterpart to the savings and investment decisions in the country and affect the exchange rate, inflation, and current account positions.” They also endanger the stability of the financial system as bank balance sheets expand and lending standards deteriorate. These financial flows contribute to increases in asset prices and further credit extension until some domestic or foreign shock leads to an economic and financial downturn.

Are the authorities helpless to do anything? Claessens and Ghosh list policies that may reduce macro vulnerability, which include exchange rate appreciation, monetary and fiscal policy tightening, and the use of capital controls. They also mention, as do the authors of the other chapters of the World Bank volume, the use of macro prudential policies (MaPPs) aimed at financial institutions and borrowers. But they admit that the evidence on the effectiveness of the MaPPs is limited.

Moreover, the macroeconomic policies they enumerate may not be sufficient to deal with the impact of capital inflows. Tightening monetary policy can draw more foreign capital. Fiscal policy is not a nimble policy lever, and usually operates with a lag

What about the use of flexible exchange rates as a buffer against foreign shocks? Emerging market policymakers have been reluctant to fully embrace flexible rates. More importantly, as pointed out here, it is not clear that flexible rates provide the protection that the theory of the “trilemma” suggests it does. Hélène Rey of the London Business School claimed last summer that there fluctuating exchange rates cannot insulate economics from global financial cycles in capital flows and credit growth. Macroprudential measures such as higher leverage ratios are needed, and the use of capital controls should be considered.

Last week we learned that capital flows to developing countries fell in February, with syndicated bank lending falling to its lowest level since 2005. This was followed by the news that domestic credit growth is falling in many emerging markets, including Brazil and Indonesia. The ensuing changes in fundamentals in these countries may or may not alleviate further depreciation pressures. But they will reflect the procyclical linkage of capital flows and domestic credit growth as much as wise policy choices. And there is no guarantee that the reversals will not overshoot and bring about a new set of troubles. The waves of capital can be as tricky to ride as are ocean waves.

Assigned Readings: Dec. 30, 2013

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In the run-up to the financial crisis the world economy was characterized by large and growing current-account imbalances. Since the onset of the crisis, China and the U.S. have rebalanced. As a share of GDP, their current-account imbalances are now less than half their pre-crisis levels. For China, the reduction in its current-account surplus post-crisis suggests a structural change. Panel regressions for a sample of almost 100 countries over the thirty-year period 1983-2013 confirm that the relationship between current-account balances and economic variables such as performance, structure, wealth and the exchange rate changed in important ways after the financial crisis.

I discuss how the unconventional monetary policy measures implemented over the past several years – quantitative and credit easing, and forward guidance – can be analysed in the context of conventional models of asset prices, with particular reference to exchange rates. I then discuss alternative approaches to interpreting the effects of such policies, and review the empirical evidence. Finally, I examine the ramifications for thinking about the impact on exchange rates and asset prices of emerging market economies. I conclude that although the implementation of unconventional monetary policy measures may introduce more volatility into global markets, in general it will support global rebalancing by encouraging the revaluation of emerging market currencies.

We study the long-run relationship between public debt and growth in a large panel of countries. Our analysis takes particular note of theoretical arguments and data considerations in modeling the debt-growth relationship as heterogeneous across countries. We investigate the issue of nonlinearities (debt thresholds) in both the cross-country and within-country dimensions, employing novel methods and diagnostics from the time-series literature adapted for use in the panel. We find some support for a nonlinear relationship between debt and long-run growth across countries, but no evidence for common debt thresholds within countries over time.

  • Atish R. Ghosh, Mahvash S. Qureshi, Juk Il Kim and Juan Zalduendo. “Surges.” Journal of International Economics, forthcoming.

This paper examines when and why capital sometimes surges to emerging market economies (EMEs). Using data on net capital flows for 56 EMEs over 1980−2011, we find that global factors, including US interest rates and investor risk aversion act as “gatekeepers” that determine when surges of capital to EMEs will occur. Whether a particular EME receives a surge, and the magnitude of that surge, however, are largely related to domestic factors such as its external financing need, capital account openness, and exchange rate regime. Differentiating between surges driven by exceptional behavior of asset flows (repatriation of foreign assets by domestic residents) from those driven by exceptional behavior of liability flows (nonresident investments into the country), shows the latter to be relatively more sensitive to global factors and contagion.

In bilateral and multilateral surveillance, countries are often urged to consider alternative policies that would result in superior outcomes for the country itself and, perhaps serendipitously, for the world economy. While it is possible that policy makers in the country do not fully recognize the benefits of proposed alternative policies, it is also possible that the existing policies are the best that they can deliver, given their various constraints, including political. In order for the policy makers to be able and willing to implement the better policies some quid pro quo may be required—such as a favorable policy adjustment in the recipients of the spillovers; identifying such mutually beneficial trades is the essence of international policy coordination. We see four general guideposts in terms of the search for globally desirable solutions. First, all parties need to identify the nature of spillovers from their policies and be open to making adjustments to enhance net positive spillovers in exchange for commensurate benefits from others; but second, with countries transparent about the spillovers as they see them, an honest broker is likely to be needed to scrutinize the different positions, given the inherent biases at the country level. Third, given the need for policy agendas to be multilaterally consistent, special scrutiny is needed when policies exacerbate global imbalances and currency misalignments; and fourth, by the same token, special scrutiny is also needed when one country’s policies has a perceptible adverse impact on financial-stability risks elsewhere.

Be Careful What You Wish For

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Policymakers, including finance ministers and central bank governors, are as entitled to have holiday wishes as much as anyone else. But they should be careful with their wish list. Sometimes the law of unintended consequences leads to unexpected and undesirable side effects.

The expansion of domestic financial markets can promote economic growth through a more efficient allocation of savings and other mechanisms.  Foreign participation in these markets can contribute to their development in several ways. Foreign investors, for example, can provide more liquidity that leads to lower yields. Shanaka Pereis found that a 1% increase in the share of foreign investors in government bond markets in ten emerging markets led to a decrease of about 6 basis points in the yield on those bonds. All this suggests that capital flows benefit financial markets.

But larger financial markets can also bring unanticipated consequences. After Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke spoke last spring of tapering the Fed’s asset purchases, the exchange rates of many emerging markets depreciated while their central banks used their foreign reserves to slow the changes. Barry Eichengreen and Poonam Gupta have investigated these reactions. They find that the magnitude of the changes in exchange rates and reserves were linked to the size and openness of a country’s financial markets. They interpret this as evidence that foreign investors rebalanced their portfolios in those markets with the most largest and liquid financial systems. They conclude that “success at growing the financial sector can be a mixed blessing.” Financial regulators need to be ready for the volatility that increased capital flows can bring along with all their benefits.

Speaking Truth to Power

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When the full history of the European debt crisis is related, one important part of the story will be the uneasy relationship of the International Monetary Fund with its European partners in the “Troika,” the European Commission and the European Central Bank. The Fund and the Europeans came to hold different views on the nature of the crisis and how it should be handled soon after its outbreak in 2010. Their disagreements reflect the split in the Fund’s membership between creditors and debtors, and the inherent ambiguity of the position of an intergovernmental organization that serves principals with different interests.

Greece obtained $145 billion from the Troika in May 2010. Of that amount, $40 billion was provided by the IMF in the form of a three-year Stand-by Arrangement. This represented 3,200% of the Greek quota at the IMF, far above the usual access limits. Susan Schadler has drawn attention to the modification of IMF policy that was made in order to allow the agreement to go forward.

The IMF has criteria to be met in deciding whether to allow a member “exceptional access” to its resources. One of these of these is a high probability that the borrowing member’s public debt will be sustainable in the medium-term. At the time of the arrangement, the IMF’s economists realized that there was little probability that Greek sovereign debt would be sustainable within any reasonable timeframe. The IMF, therefore, amended the criteria so that exceptional access could also be provided if there were a “high risk of international systemic spillover effects.” There was little doubt that such effects would occur in the event of a default, but whether this justified lending such large amounts was questionable.

It soon became clear that the two of the other four criteria would not be met. Greece would not regain access to private capital markets while it participated in the Fund program (criterion #3). Moreover, there was little prospect of a successful implementation of the policies contained in the original agreement (criterion #4). By 2011, it was evident that the program with Greece was not viable. Talks began on a new program and a restructuring of the debt, which eventually occurred in 2012. Moreover, Ireland received assistance from the Troika in December 2010, as did Portugal in February 2011.

This was the background when newly-appointed Fund Managing Director Christine Lagarde, a former French finance minister, appeared at the annual gathering of central bankers and financiers at Jackson Hole, Wyoming, in August 2011. Ms. Lagarde voiced her concerns that her fellow Europeans were responding too slowly to the dangers posed by the sovereign debt crisis. (Lagarde also called upon U.S. policymakers to undertake steps to resolve the housing crisis.) But her recommendations for more vigorous actions went unheeded. Her call for a more accommodative monetary policy was ignored by outgoing ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet. And European bankers were displeased by her assessment of their capital base as inadequate and her proposal of public injections of capital if private sources were inadequate.

In retrospect, Lagarde’s judgments look prescient. Trichet’s successor at the ECB, Mario Draghi, came to a very different view of what that institution needed to do to maintain financial stability. The ECB lowered its key interest rate in November 2011, and the following month instituted a longer-term refinancing operation for European banks. European banks, however, are still seen as relatively frail.

The IMF subsequently reassessed the response to sovereign debt crises and reviewed the framework for debt restructuring. Its review found that “debt restructurings have often been too little and too late, thus failing to re-establish debt sustainability and market access in a durable way.” The report’s authors claimed that: “Allowing an unsustainable debt situation to fester is costly to the debtor, creditors and the international monetary system.” The policy review raised the possibility of more involvement of the official sector in debt restructuring.

But the development at the IMF of a proposal to write down unsustainable debt at an earlier stage of a crisis has aroused resistance from German and other policy officials. They see the suggestion of a standstill on debt repayments as an assault on the rights of bondholders. Any mention of delay or reduction of payments is viewed as the first step towards the evasion of borrowers’ responsibilities.

Such a position in the wake of the restructuring of the Greek debt is alarming. Other borrowers will suffer financing problems, and relying on exhortations to repay in full will not improve their circumstances. Moreover, ignoring the costs to the debtor of a (attempted) repayment is self-defeating. The Greek economy may have touched bottom, but even under the most optimistic scenario its debt/GDP ratio will not decline for years.

The IMF is the agent of 188 principals. To be credible, it must  serve the interests of all its members, not just its partners in a lending arrangement. Moreover, the IMF has established more credibility in this crisis than those who have consistently refused to acknowledge its extent. In seeking to improve the process of dealing with debt restructuring,  the IMF is fulfilling its mission to provide “…the machinery for consultation and collaboration on international monetary problems.” (IMF Article of Agreement I(i).) Its members should allow it to meet that mandate.

Another Divergence

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The decline in inflation rates in advanced economies to historically low rates has been widely reported.  But inflation is increasing in some of the largest emerging markets. This divergence poses dilemmas for policymakers in those countries.

The annual difference between the GDP-weighted average inflation rates of high income countries and developing nations has fluctuated between 3-4% between 2010 and 2012 (see data here). More recently, the gap has jumped to 4.8%. Among the countries where prices are rising more rapidly are Brazil (5.8% in the most recent month), Egypt (10.5%), India (10.1%), Indonesia (8.3%), Russia (6.2%), and South Africa (5.5%).  Moreover, all except Russia are recording current account deficits.

The increase in prices is drawing attention. In Brazil and Indonesia, rising prices are fueling popular discontent with the governments. The Russian central bank has admitted that it will miss its inflation target for the year. Arvind Subramanian finds inflation in India worrisome, in part because it is unprecendently high.

What fuels the rises? In many emerging markets, the governments have sought to offset reduced demand by their trade partners in the advanced economies by stimulating domestic demand. The result has been increases in domestic credit and household debt, and in these countries escalating prices.

Some central bankers have responded by raising their target interest rates. In India, the new target rate is 7.75%. Brazil’s central bank has raised its target rate to 10%, and Indonesian monetary policymakers have hiked their rate to 7.5%. South Africa’s central bank has kept its rate unchanged, but signaled that this may change.

These increases could leave the central bankers in a quandary. After blaming the Federal Reserve for capital flows to their countries, it would be awkward if the same policymakers were now seen as responsible for creating the conditions that could attract capital. Moreover, higher rates might choke off the domestic spending that it is seen as essential. But allowing inflation to continue unchecked could result in harsher measures later. Of course, higher growth in the advanced economies could alleviate many of these problems. Convergence can work in more than one direction.